The Wabanaki are the “People
of the Dawn” or the “Dawn Land People,” the name they called themselves.
Traditionally, subsistence for the Wabanaki was based on hunting and gathering.
After European settlement and the eighteenth-century wars between the French
and English, they were forced to settle on reservations. The rapid growth of
non-Indian settlements during the early nineteenth century also placed
substantial pressure on the Wabanaki. This compelled Native communities to
devise a new survival strategy.
Making wood splint baskets is
perhaps the oldest native craft produced by the tribes in this region and
images of the Wabanaki and their baskets appear in paintings and prints from as
far back as the eighteenth century. Willoughby reports that the earliest
explorers and settlers of New England make no mention of splint baskets among
the native population, though at least eight other varieties are mentioned
(Willoughby 1905:85). Ruth Holmes Whitehead writes that
Splint
baskets, too, are apparently a European introduction, first taken up as a
commercial product in the late eighteenth century… [Furthermore] there are no
surviving precontact basket fragments in wood splints, and they are not
mentioned in any seventeenth-century source (Whitehead 2001: 292-293).
The depletion of game on the
reservations became a turning point as the men had to find other means of
providing for their families. By the nineteenth century, some had become
lumberjacks and worked on the big river drives. Others hired themselves out as
guides and untold numbers worked in the lumber mills or in shoe factories.
Since the seventeenth
century, the sale of small, decorative items had been a limited source of revenue
for Indian women but as interaction with European settlers increased, they
developed a new line of native arts and crafts that became a significant source
of income for many Indian households.
Baskets comprised the greatest percentage of this trade (figure 1).
Figure 1 – Real Photo Post
Card (RPPC) of Mi’kmaq chief Noel and his wife. Between them is a display of
their baskets. 3.5 inches high by 5.5
inches wide. Circa 1910.
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Some Wabanaki became quite
nomadic in their pursuit of a living from their crafts while others used Indian
middlemen to sell their work. As early as 1827, it was reported that a group of
Passamaquoddy’s were camped at the Battery in New York City selling their
“domestic manufactures” (Source: American Advocate, July 21, 1827).
In 1833, John W. Johnson, a
three year old white settler’s child from Hollis, Maine, was kidnapped by a
family of Mi’kmaq. He quickly adopted their lifestyle and spent most of his
life among the Wabanaki. In 1861, he published an account of his life as an
Indian. His narrative attests to the itinerant life style of many members of
the culture he came to embrace (Johnson 1861).
In the winter of 1840 Johnson travelled to
Prince Edward Island with his Mi’kmaq family to sell baskets and fancy articles
to sailors who docked in the seaside ports. In the summer of 1846 he was on
Cape Breton Island for the winter making baskets and fancy boxes decorated with
porcupine quills, which his family sold from $1 to $15 each, depending on how
elaborately decorated they were. In
March of the following year, he managed to obtain passage on a steamer to
Boston where he took up residence in a boarding house. On some days he would
set up his display of baskets on the Boston Common and offered his wares to
anyone who was interested. At other times he sold them by going from house to
house. From Boston he travelled to New Bedford and Fall River, Massachusetts
then to Providence, Rhode Island, and eventually to New York, where he disposed
of the balance of his stock. And so went his life. When he ran out of inventory
he would catch a steamer back to Halifax where he acquired more fancy work from
his brethren to sell in the markets he had developed along the east coast. In
1848, he met an Old Town, Maine, Penobscot by the name of Frank Loring or “Big
Frank,” aka “Big Thunder” as he was customarily known (figure 2). Loring acted as an agent for a travelling company of Indian
entertainers. When John Johnson was in Old Town, he procured some Indian
outfits and proceeded to New York where he traveled about for a time with Big
Frank, performing in his Indian theatrical group.
Figure 2 – Printed Post Card
of Frank Loring, aka “Big Frank” or “Big Thunder,” a Penobscot chief and
showman. 5.5 inches high by 3.5 inches wide. Circa 1912. Old Town, Maine.
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Perhaps in response to the
nineteenth-century timber industry, which brought about a deferential change in
the traditional lifestyle of the Penobscot, many Wabanaki were unwilling or
unable to settle down as farmers or work in the lumber mills. So a transient
lifestyle as entertainers or as artisans, making and selling baskets and other
wood derived crafts became a viable alternative.
Resort areas in Vermont and
New Hampshire were frequent destinations for these Algonquian speakers seeking
outlets for their baskets and other souvenir items. The Passamaquoddy and Penobscot from Maine
frequently travelled to resort destinations to sell their work (figure 3). In
this circa 1870 stereoview by C. A. Paul of Skowhegan, Maine, a group of
Indians can be seen camped at the foot of Mt. Kineo, on Moosehead Lake. The image is rich with examples of early
fancy baskets, birch bark canoe models and several bark containers.
Other groups of Abenaki were
selling their baskets throughout the resort areas in the White Mountains and in
Vermont (figure 4). By the end of the
nineteenth century,
A few families
among the Abenakis of St. Francis still hunted at this time, though game was
becoming increasingly scarce. Their principal industry was basket-making and
fancy work. They worked at handicrafts all winter and in June most of the
families went to sell their wares at various summer resorts in the United
States, especially along the Atlantic coast and in the White Mountains (figure 5).
Around the turn of the century they lost the long standing privilege of
carrying their wares to the United States duty-free and this removed their most
profitable market. Around the same time the establishment of a National Park in
their area brought about restrictions of hunting and fishing and the Indians
had to turn more attention to agriculture (Department of Indian Affairs
1967:20).
Figure 4 – Two printed post
cards of a group of Abenakis selling their handicrafts in the White Mountains
of New Hampshire. 3.5 inches high by 5.5 inches wide. Circa
1910.
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Figure 5 – Carte-de-Visite titled: Indian Camp at Franconia (New Hampshire). 4 inches high by 2.5
inches wide. Circa 1860s. Possibly a group of Abenakis. Numerous baskets can be
seen on the table.
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It’s unclear if the western
Abenaki were involved in making and selling souvenir beadwork during the
nineteenth century such as bags, hats and what are generally referred to as
whimsies. Baskets, birch bark canoe
models, bark containers and other wood derived items appear to have been the
mainstay of their commoditized crafts. In a rare handbill, pasted to the inside
cover of a book on the Abenaki and English language, is an advertisement for
the handicrafts that the Abenaki had for sale in the summer of 1893 (figure 6).
Figure 6 – A
rare handbill advertising hand-made Abenaki Indian wares in Intervale, New
Hampshire. 6 inches high by 4 inches wide. Circa 1893.
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Their eastern relatives in
Maine, New Brunswick and Nova Scotia did produce beadwork for the souvenir
trade as well as for personal use. The
beadwork the Wabanaki made for themselves varied over time.
[They] gave
their textiles and costumes, in particular, more exuberant ornamentation than
other Northeastern groups. It would have distinguished them at formal
gathering. For example, Micmacs used a particular T-shaped element; Maliseet
double curves often had tightly coiled terminals; Penobscot examples often
included a stepped design; and both Penobscot and Passamaquoddy beadwork
sometimes used a motif of contiguous lozenges possibly derived from the Ottawa…
These ethnic markers would be readily identifiable to the members of many
tribes who attended diplomatic gatherings … or the grand council fire (Bourque
and Labar 2009:82-83).
Wabanaki commoditized
beadwork had features that varied from those seen on Iroquois work. Beaded bags
for instance, were often in the shape of a vase or an inverted keyhole (figure 7),
though there are variations to this (figure 8a and 8b). The flowers and leaf
patterns on the vase shaped bags are stylistically distinctive. Many of the
flowers are daisy-like and can have as many as fifteen petals or as few as five
and they usually have squared-off or gently rounded ends (figure 9). There
doesn’t appear to be as many of these bags as the Haudenosaunee examples,
perhaps because the Wabanaki were more involved in the basket trade.
The leaf patterns on Wabanaki
bags are often in the shape of a heart or ovate and usually fully beaded (figure
10). Like the Iroquois, the Wabanaki
also incorporated paper patterns upon which their flower and leaf designs were
beaded. The main stem of the floral design often rises from the center base of
the bag in a flat bundle of beads, each string of which connects to a flower or
leaf. These stems occasionally had bi-lobed or tri-lobed buds or ears connected
to them (figures 9 & 10). Generally,
this style of Wabanaki bag didn’t have a two-bead or zippered edging along the
outside.
Figure 9 – Detail view
illustrating some of the unique design elements found on Wabanaki beaded bags.
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Jennifer Neptune, a Penobscot
artist, points out that some of the repeated motifs seen on early souvenir bags
were meant to convey a message about the individual or group identity of those
who created them.
I see
medicine plants in the designs, and it’s obvious to me that people were beading
designs of plants that were highly valued to themselves, their families, and
their tribe. When I look at the floral designs I see plants that ease
childbirth, break fevers, soothe coughs and colds, take away pain, heal cuts,
burns, and bruises, and maintain general health.… A hundred years ago plants
were the main source of medicine for Natives as well as non-Natives. With the
knowledge and importance of these plants in our culture beadworkers needed to
look no further than their own backyards for their own floral designs. A
hundred years later these same plants are still in our backyards, are still
being used for healing, and are still being used to inspire our beadwork
designs (Faulkner, Prince & Neptune 1998:41).
A rare and beautiful example
of Wabanaki beadwork is a bag with a large sun motif as the focal point of the
design (figure 11). This piece incorporates a limited color palette, suggesting
an earlier date. The other side of the
bag has three symmetrically placed daisy-like flowers with 12 petals, each
connected to the center base of the bag by a single string of white beads. Some
of the floral elements along the stem and at the top are suggestive of the
double-curve motif.
The vast majority of these bags
are identified as Maliseet and occasionally they are assigned to the
Passamaquoddy or the Mi’kmaq. Rarely is this style clearly attributed to the
Penobscot. Images of people wearing vase
or inverted keyhole-shaped bags are also quite rare (figure 12).
Figure 12 – Daguerreotype,
3.3 inches high by 2.3 inches wide. Mid 1850s. A young girl with what might be
a Wabanaki bag in the inverted keyhole or vase shape.
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Two rare examples of a
Mi’kmaq bag are illustrated in figure 13.
So few of these exist that just a single beadworker may have made them.
The contour on one is similar to the Haudenosaunee hexagonal shape, but the
sides on this example are curved rather than segmented. The internal designs
are also much more symmetrical and curvilinear than those seen on Haudenosaunee
work. Both of these bags are beaded onto red wool serge, of the type generally
seen on Canadian military uniforms, and the beads on both are strung with
horsehair. A similar bag is illustrated in The
Micmac Indians of Eastern Canada by Wallace and Wallace, page 82. It’s
pictured alongside other articles of traditional Mi’kmaq dress attire, such as
beaded trousers, moccasin vamps, epaulets, and women’s caps. Perhaps so few of
these exist because they were made for personal use and not to be sold as
souvenirs.
A very rare Mi’kmaq bag (figure 14) was
found with the following old note: “The
work of Molly Muise wife of Governor of the Mic Mac Tribe in Annapolis”.
She is reputed to have lived to a great age and was so respected by her white
neighbors that they erected a tombstone in her memory. She was born in Digby
County, Nova Scotia, sometime in the third quarter of the eighteenth century
and lived on the Bear River Indian Reserve, so this bag could date to the late
eighteenth or the early nineteenth-century. A mid-nineteenth-century tintype of
her in the Nova Scotia Museum is believed to be the earliest portrait of a
Mi’kmaq woman by a photographic process (figure 15).
Figure 15 – Tintype of Molly
Muise. Mid-nineteenth century. From the collection of the Nova Scotia Museum.
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Like the Haudenosaunee, the Wabanaki had
favorite venues for selling their work. In a classic turn-of-the-century
postcard titled “Indians on the
Reservation near Fredericton, New Brunswick” (figure 16) a group of what
were likely Maliseet were standing by the edge of the St. John River. The wide panel along the bottom of the
woman’s dress was beautifully beaded with floral motifs that are very similar
to those on the Wabanaki bag in figure 17.
Fredericton, New Brunswick,
was likely one of those centers where beadwork flourished. It was the
Provincial capital and would have been a destination for travelers. Located on
the St. John’s River, a transportation lifeline on an early fur-trade route, it
attracted many people to its fertile shores. For hundreds of years the Maliseet
would seasonally hunt, fish and grow corn and squash along its banks. They
established a permanent settlement there in 1847. The St. Mary’s Indian Band of
Maliseet and the Kingsclear First Nations Band are still located nearby.
On Prince Edward Island, Mi’kmaq
basketmakers often travelled to the mainland for their basket material as it
was in limited supply locally. The accessibility
of beads may account, in part, for the regional development of beadwork.
Beading supplies were likely more available in or near the larger cities. For
those not willing or able to travel, basketmaking was perhaps a better
alternative, especially if basketmaking supplies could be harvested nearby.
If you have an interest in Northeast Woodland beadwork you
might find my book of interest. Titled: A Cherished Curiosity: TheSouvenir Beaded Bag in Historic Haudenosaunee (Iroquois) Art by GerryBiron. Published in 2012. This is a brand new, hard cover book with dust
jacket. 184 pages and profusely illustrated. 8.5 x 11 inches. ISBN
978-0-9785414-1-5.
Since the early nineteenth century,
Haudenosaunee (Iroquois) beaded bags have been admired and cherished by
travelers to Niagara Falls and other tourist destinations for their aesthetic
beauty, detailed artistry, and the creative spirit of their makers. A
long neglected and misunderstood area of American Indian artistry,
"souvenir" art as it's come to be called, played a crucial role in
the subsistence of many Indian families during the nineteenth century. This
lavishly illustrated history examines these bags – the most extensively
produced dress accessory made by the Haudenosaunee – along with the historical
development of beadworking both as an art form and as a subsistence practice
for Native women.
In this book, the
beadwork is considered in the context of art, fashion, and the tourist economy
of the nineteenth century. Illustrated with over one hundred and fifty of the
most important – and exquisite – examples of these bags, along with a unique
collection of historical photographs of the bags in their original context,
this book provides essential reading for collectors and researchers of this
little understood area of American Indian art.
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References Cited in Part 1 & 2
Bourque, Bruce J and Labar, Laureen A.
2009 Uncommon Threads: Wabanaki Textiles, Clothing, and Costume. Maine
State Museum in association with University of Washington Press. Seattle and
London
Department of Indian Affairs
1967 Department of Indian Affairs
and Northern Development – Indians of Quebec and the Maritime Provinces (An
Historical Review). Published by the DIA, Indian Affairs Branch, Ottawa ,
Canada
Eckstorm, Fannie Hardy
[1932] 1980 The Handicrafts of the
Modern Indians of Maine, published by Robert Abbe Museum, Bar Harbor,
Maine. Printed by Jordan – Frost Printing Co., Bangor, Maine.
Faulkner, Gretchen Fearon & Prince, Nancy & Sapiel, Jennifer
1998 Beautifully Beaded: Northeastern Native American Beadwork in American
Indian Art Magazine, Volume 24, Number 1, Winter edition.
Johnson, John W.
1861 Life of John W. Johnson who was Stolen by the Indians when three years
of age, and identified by his father twenty years afterwards. Related by
himself. Biddeford, Maine.
Speck, Frank
1927 Symbolism in Penobscot Art. Anthropological Papers of the American
Museum of Natural History. Volume XXIX, Part II. Published by the American
Museum of Natural History, New York City.
Wallace, Wilson D. and Wallace, Ruth Sawtell
1955 The Micmac Indians of Eastern Canada – University of Minnesota
Press, Minneapolis.
Whitehead, Ruth Holmes
2001 The Traditional Material Culture of the
Native Peoples of Maine in Bruce Bourque, Twelve Thousand Years: Native Americans in Maine. Lincoln:
University of Nebraska Press.
Willoughby, Charles C.
1905 Textile Fabrics of the New England Indians, in American
Anthropologist, New Series, Volume 7, F. W. Hodge, Editor, Lancaster, PA.
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